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NWC Files Another Brief Urging the MSPB to Retroactively Apply WPEA

On April 12, 2013, the National Whistleblower Center filed an Amicus Curiae brief with the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB), in the case of King v. Department of the Air Force. At issue is whether the provision of the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act of 2012 (“WPEA”) regarding compensatory damages applies to all current cases pending before the MSPB. The MSPB requested stakeholders to file briefs on the issue as they did in Day v. Department of Homeland Security.  

In its brief, the NWC again strongly urged the MSPB to retroactively apply the WPEA to all pending cases. The MSPB’s decision will impact the fate of federal employees and whistleblowers that filed claims or suffered retaliation before the WEPA was signed into law on November 27, 2012.

Stephen M. Kohn, Executive Director of the NWC, said, “it is unequivocal that the intent of Congress was to apply the WPEA, including the provision on compensatory damages, to all pending cases retroactively.”

The NWC’s brief can be viewed here.

 

Federal Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act Becomes Law

President Barack Obama signed into law today the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act (WPEA). Whistleblower attorneys working pro bono with the NWC played an instrumental role in passing this Act. NWC’s Executive Director Stephen Kohn testified before the Senate Homeland Security Committee and David Colapinto testified before the House Government Oversight hearing in support of the bill.

The bill contains important advances including an expanded definition of “protected disclosure” and permits whistleblowers to collect compensatory damages. Kohn and Colapinto worked for over two years to successfully block three “poison pills” that had been inserted into the law. These “poison pills” would have permitted the MSPB to summarily dismiss cases without a hearing, repealed existing protections for FBI whistleblowers and permitted the executive branch to fire whistleblowers for reporting “minor” violations of law.

“The bill contains important reforms, but federal employee still lack most of the basic rights available to whistleblowers in the private sector. We hope that President Obama and Congress will continue their efforts to ensure federal employees are fully protected during the next Congress.” Kohn said. “This is a small but meaningful step. “

Pursuant to this Act, its new provisions will become effective in thirty days. Click this link to view a copy of the WPEA.

 

Why Summary Judgment Must be Removed from the WPEA

TAKE ACTION!

The Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act (WPEA) may move through Congress in the coming days, or even hours, and contains many important reforms that will help federal employees. However, both the House (H.R. 3289) and Senate (S. 743) versions still have one provision that, if enacted into law, will significantly harm whistleblowers.

This destructive provision permits the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) to dismiss whistleblower claims under a procedural rule known as “summary judgment.” This new rule permits the MSPB “judges” to summarily dismiss a whistleblower claim without ever conducting a hearing. It must be removed before the bill is passed.

One of the main purported benefits of the current MSPB process is streamlined procedures. Under the current law, employees are entitled to a hearing before the MSPB if they can establish jurisdiction. Employees avoid the considerable costs associated with defending a traditional summary judgment motion and instead may address those issues at the hearing on the merits of the case.

Why is this summary judgment procedure for MSPB whistleblower cases a bad development? Here is what will happen in practice. In almost every case the agency will file for summary judgment. In a motion for summary judgment the judge decides, without a full trial, that there is “no genuine issue as to any material fact and that the moving party is entitled to a judgment as a matter of law.” If the judge grants the agency’s motion the whistleblower’s case will be dismissed.

If a new MSPB summary judgment provision becomes law in whistleblower cases it will force the employee to conduct expensive discovery simply to defeat the motion. Given the past substantive and procedural decisions issued by MSPB “judges,” the overwhelming majority of these summary judgment motions will be granted and the whistleblower cases will be dismissed without there ever being a hearing. Over 90 percent of the summary judgment decisions will be against the whistleblower. [Note: MSPB judges are not real judges. They are not subject to any judicial confirmation process and do not have to be attorneys. Their appointments are not reviewed or approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee.]

This proposed summary judgment rule is a major setback for whistleblowers. First, agencies will not settle cases until their summary judgment motions are filed. The pressure to settle a case shortly before a hearing will be eliminated because agencies will wait to see if the case is dismissed before a hearing is even set.

Second, given the 270-day rule for completing adjudications, employees will be forced to comply with short deadlines in responding to summary judgment motions. The agencies will be able to compile an evidentiary record against the employee in a short period of time that the employee will not have the time or ability to contradict.

The summary judgment provision tilts the procedures radically onto the side of the agencies.

In 1978, when Congress initially passed the Civil Service Reform Act and created the MSPB, executive agencies lobbied hard to give the newly created MSPB summary judgment authority. In the end, Congress decided that such authority to summarily dismiss a whistleblower’s case without a hearing was not appropriate for an administrative board designed to protect whistleblowers. Congress recognized that summary judgment could be abused to deny meritorious whistleblowers their day in court. Congress got it right in 1978.

Over the past 35 years, the MSPB’s track record of anti-whistleblower bias has vindicated the 1978 decision to not grant the Board summary judgment power. The whistleblower community cannot allow this significant victory to be lost. The proposed summary judgment provision for whistleblower cases is not an “enhancement” and must be removed from the WPEA. You can TAKE ACTION by sending a letter to Congress.

Federal Circuit finally gets due process and "clear and convincing"

Federal CircuitIn this week's Honesty Without Fear radio program, I interviewed Robert "Bob" Whitmore and his lawyer, Paula Dinerstein, about the landmark decision Whitmore won from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit last week. The Federal Circuit has finally put to rest the unfortunate practice of judges at the Merit System Protection Board (MSPB) of allowing the agency to "prove" that they would have fired the whistleblower anyway, and then never hearing the whistleblower's side of the story.  The Court rejected this procedure saying:

Doing so prevents whistleblowers from effectively presenting their defenses, and leaves only the agency’s side of the case in play. This can have a substantial effect on the outcome of the case, and so constitutes harmful error. (Page 28.)

The Court also held that the MSPB judge erred in excluding Whitmore's witnesses about his whistleblowing.  The Court upheld the exclusion of one witness on grounds that Whitmore's attorney had not submitted a detailed statement of what the witness would say (a claim that Dinerstein disputes). Most importantly, the Court held that the MSPB failed to consider evidence that points to retaliation as management's real motive for firing Whitmore, and that without considering this evidence, it cannot say that the agency proved "by clear and convincing evidence" that it would have fired Whitmore even if he had never done any whistleblowing.  This decision represents a bold change in direction for the Federal Circuit, and breaths life into the 1994 amendments to the Whistleblower Protection Act.  The Federal Circuit concluded its decision by recognizing the important role that whistleblowers play in our country:

The laws protecting whistleblowers from retaliatory personnel actions provide important benefits to the pub- lic, yet whistleblowers are at a severe evidentiary disad- vantage to succeed in their defenses. Thus, the tribunals hearing those defenses must remain vigilant to ensure that an agency taking adverse employment action against a whistleblower carries its statutory burden to prove—by clear and convincing evidence—that the same adverse action would have been taken absent the whistleblowing. ...

Congress decided that we as a people are better off knowing than not knowing about such violations and improper conduct, even if it means that an insubordi- nate employee like Mr. Whitmore becomes, via such disclosures, more difficult to discipline or terminate. Indeed, it is in the presence of such non-sympathetic employees that commitment to the clear and convincing evidence standard is most tested and is most in need of preservation.

Dinerstein, a lawyer at Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER), this victory is a remarkable accomplishment. Dinerstein also represented whistleblower Teresa Chambers.  Chambers has been reinstated to her position as Chief of the U.S. Park Police after winning a decisive victory from the Federal Circuit last year. As Dinerstein explained on Honesty Without Fear this week, the Chambers opinion was more narrowly crafted to help Chambers without changing too much precedent.  Whitmore's decision is a sweeping opinion that rejects the limitations of past Federal Circuit decisions, requires MSPB judges to conduct full hearings with all the relevant witnesses, and enforces the "clear and convincing" standard for the agency's burden.

Bob Whitmore worked as an economist for the U.S. Department of Labor for 37 years. His duties included enforcement of the rules that require employers to report workplace injuries and illnesses.  OSHA uses this information to guide where enforcement action is needed, and to inform policy decisions. In 2005, Whitmore became concerned that management was allowing whole industries to under-report the injuries in their workplaces. He shared his concerns with reporters at the Oakland (California) Tribune who were investigating the injuries in construction of the Bay Bridge. Whitmore spoke out against an industry practice that rewards workers for not reporting injuries. Whitmore also served as a witness for an Asian woman who had an equal employment opportunity (EEO) complaint against OSHA management. During the next two years, Whitmore continued to speak out against OSHA acquiescence to industry under-reporting, and he suffered increasing conflict with his managers.  His supervisor mishandled his leave balances and resisted an audit that would get the balance set straight. He reported illegal gambling by his supervisor and he suffered poor performance reviews. On July 10, 2007, Whitmore and his supervisor got into an argument over the leave balance.  The supervisor ordered Whitmore to leave, and the two got into an argument. The supervisor spat on Whitmore (although there is now a dispute about whether it was intentional) and Whitmore made a conditional threat to to assault the supervisor (Whitmore later expressed remorse for that threat). Management placed Whitmore on leave during an investigation.  OSHA management picked a former employee to conduct the investigation, and the conduct of the investigation suggested less than a commitment to find the truth. Soon, management got the investigator's report, but had already decided to fire Whitmore.

The Federal Circuit opinion makes clear that it found Whitmore's conduct to be insubordinate.  This finding, however, served to strengthen the Court's holdings for whistleblowers.  Even when there is no doubt that the whistleblower engaged in misconduct, the whistleblower should still win unless the agency proves, clearly and convincingly, that it would have taken the same action if the protected activity had never been considered. "Evidence only clearly and convincingly supports a conclusion when it does so in the aggregate considering all the pertinent evidence in the record, and despite the evidence that fairly detracts from that conclusion," the court says on page 24.

I wonder if the Federal Circuit judges are aware of the proposal contained in the Whistleblowers Protection Enhancement Act (WPEA), S. 743, that would end the Federal Circuit's monopoly on MSPB whistleblower cases and allow whistleblowers to appeal to the other courts of appeals.  Could the Federal Circuit be making a "switch in time" to save its jurisdiction?  Dinerstein thinks the effect of recent appointments by President Obama better explains the change in Federal Circuit philosophy on whistleblower cases.  Whatever the cause, we can rejoice that the Federal Circuit is seeing the light and making it shine.  Congratulations to Paula Dinerstein and Bob Whitmore.

Julia Davis blasts House version of WPEA

Julia Davis, the Homeland Security writer for the Los Angeles Examiner, released an article yesterday calling for action today to "protect whistleblowers, so that they may continue protecting our nation." The WPEA as turkeyarticle is called, "The House cooks up another turkey of a bill, guts whistleblower protections." Davis laments that, "Instead of improving an already deeply flawed Senate bill that was introduced earlier this year, the House slashed even more whistleblower protections." She decries the elimination of jury trials, the addition of summary judgment, and the shenanigans in picking which court will hear appeals. She joins with the National Whistleblowers Center (NWC) in urging all Americans to take action today to ask Congress to fix this bill. She also made this graphic to express the distress of whistleblowers over the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act (WPEA). Thank you.

House Leadership Guts Whistleblower Bill

Today, leaders in the House of Representatives introduced a bill (H.R. 3289) to amend the Whistleblower Protection Act. Their new bill would strip federal employee whistleblowers of court access.

The House version of the bill further erodes federal employee whistleblower protections from an already weakened Senate bill that was introduced earlier this year. The amendments would:

  • Cut out the right to a jury trial for federal employees.
  • Empower the Merit Systems Protection Board (MSPB) to summarily dismiss whistleblower cases.
  • Block whistleblowers from access to more "liberal" U.S. Courts of Appeal (such as the 9th Circuit). Instead, the government would be able to force their cases into a special court.

The bill was introduced today in the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee.

A number of prominent civil rights groups have signed a letter to Congress demanding immediate changes to the legislation. Their requests include ensuring full appeals court access for federal workers and blocking the ability of the MSPB to summarily throw out whistleblower claims.

The National Whistleblowers Center issued the following statement:

We are particularly troubled by the judicial gerrymandering precedent that would be set by this bill. Unlike its Senate counterpart, the House bill completely chokes off access to normal court review and bypasses more "liberal" courts of appeal, such as the 9th Circuit.

In the past two Congresses, the House endorsed full court access for federal employees by overwhelming, bipartisan majorities. This precedent has been abandoned. For the fist time, the House is endorsing a bill that will strip federal employee whistleblowers from all access to jury trials under the Whistleblower Protection Act. This setback for employee rights must be fixed.

The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform plans to hold a markup of the bill on Thursday, November 3, 2011.

The NWC has issued an Action Alert calling on all Americans to ask their Representative to fix the bill.

Senate Committee marks up and approves a weak WPEA

This morning, the Senate Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee (HSGAC) marked up and approved S. 743, the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act (WPEA). The WPEA has been pending for years. Its expressed purpose is to strengthen protections for  whistleblowers. As sponsor Sen. Daniel Akaka (D-HI) explained, if whistleblowers are not protected, many would not take the risk to protect public health and national security. Since the 1994 adoption of the Whistleblower Protection Act, the Merit System Protection Board (MSPB) and the Federal Circuit Court of Appeals have ruled in favor of only three whistleblowers out of hundreds of cases. Sen. Akaka decried the failure to interpret the law consistent with its purpose. Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) also spoke about the "crucial role" that whistleblowers play.

The mark-up hearing took up less than five (5) minutes of the Committee's one-hour hearing. During the hearing, Sen. Akaka announced that he had an amendment to make three changes that he called "minor." He described the amendments as (1) clarifying provisions on non-disclosure agreements, (2) giving the General Accounting Office (GAO) more time to conduct its review of the legislation, and (3) giving the Defense Department access to information and consultation rights in the intelligence provisions. The amendment, and the bill, were both approved by the Committee unanimously, on voice votes. Unfortunately, the text of the amended bill is not presently available to the public. The normal course of business would make the amendment available at www.thomas.gov, but it is not presently listed in the bill's summary and status page. To see the Committee's hearing on the WPEA, go to the 47th minute of the archived video.

The National Whistleblowers Center (NWC) submitted a letter to HSGAC on September 28, 2011. This letter raised twelve concerns and makes suggestions for how to make the WPEA truly effective in protecting federal employee whistleblowers. The Committee did not adopt the NWC suggestions. For example, the bill still contains a new provision allowing MSPB judges to dismiss whistleblower cases without a hearing.

NWC has also released a report called Detecting Waste, Fraud, and Abuse: Protections Needed for Federal Employees. The report details how whistleblowers save taxpayer funds and protect the public health, the environment and our integrity as a nation. Hopefully, further consideration of this bill by the full Senate and House will lead to the improvements. Federal employees need protections that are effective enough to encourage them to come forward.

Kohn Op-Ed in New York Times tells the story behind America's first whistleblower protection law

Stephen M. Kohn, Executive Director of the National Whistleblowers Center (NWC), published an op-ed article in today's New York Times.The article tells the story of Captain John Grannis, and nine other sailors of the Continental Navy. The full story is contained in The Whistleblower's Handbook. The actual documents from the Continental Congress are linked here.

These courageous sailors and marines petitioned the Continental Congress to relieve the commander of the Continental Navy, Commodore Esek Hopkins. The sailors reported that Hopkins had engaged in misconduct including, the torture of British prisoners of war.

On March, 26, 1777, the Continental Congress accepted the petition and suspended Hopkins as leader of the Navy. he would later be formally discharged.

Hopkins was politically connected, and he retaliated immediately against America's first whistleblowers. He filed a criminal libel case against the whistleblowers in Rhode Island's court. Samuel Shaw, a midshipman, and Richard Marven, a third lieutenant, were detained during the proceedings. On July 23, 1778, they pleaded to Congress that they had been “arrested for doing what they then believed and still believe was nothing but their duty.”

Without any recorded dissent, Congress declared:

That it is the duty of all persons in the service of the United States, as well as all other inhabitants thereof, to give the earliest information to Congress or any other proper authority of any misconduct, frauds or misdemeanors committed by any officers or persons in the service of these states, which may come to their knowledge.

Congress did not stop there. It also authorized payment for the legal fees of Marven and Shaw. Kohn calls this act "America’s first whistle-blower-protection law." With the help of attorney William Channing, the whistleblowers won an acquittal.

Kohn points out that today's America does not go so far in protecting whistleblowers. The Obama Administration is detaining and prosecuting Bradley Manning for allegedly releasing documents to WikiLeaks. It also prosecuted Thomas Drake for disclosing mismanagement of the National Security Administration (NSA) to the Baltimore Sun. Today's whistleblowers have no protection when they lose their security clearance, and employees of the NSA and CIA are excluded from the Whistleblower Protection Act (WPA).

Kohn's article is a fitting tribute to the First Amendment on the fortieth anniversary of the day the New York Times began publishing the Pentagon Papers.

Citizen activism does the impossible: One WPEA loophole closed

Yesterday, Senator Daniel Akaka (D-Hawaii) introduced the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act of 2011 (WPEA), S. 743. Stephen M. Kohn, Executive Director of the National Whistleblowers Center (NWC) issued the following statement on this bill:Stephen M. Kohn

In December of 2010, the National Whistleblowers Center (NWC), the Federal Ethics Center, the National Security Whistleblowers Coalition and the No FEAR Coalition, together with nationally respected whistleblowers and thousands of citizen activists, strongly opposed the prior version of the WPEA (S. 372) calling it a "bad deal for whistleblowers." We laid out seven detailed reasons for why the bill would be detrimental for federal employees and would roll back existing whistleblower protections.

We were strongly criticized for opposing S. 372. We were told that this was the best bill we were going to get and if we did not change our position federal employee whistleblower protections offered in the new Congress would be worse. However, we believed that we were doing what was in the best interest of all federal employee whistleblowers and refused to back down.

Federal employees deserve better and were promised more by President Obama. If the flawed S. 372 had passed in December, all federal employees would have been materially harmed by the roll backs in protections. We had no choice but to stand our ground and it turns out that we were right - changes could be made to improve the bill.

The WPEA was re-introduced yesterday with one of our major concerns fixed. The exception for "minor" and "inadvertent" violations of law in the definition of protection disclosure has now been removed from this latest version of the Senate bill.

We are pleased that the Senate sponsors of the WPEA have agreed with the NWC, the Federal Ethics Center, the National Security Whistleblowers Coalition and the No FEAR Coalition, and the thousands of persons who advocated for this important change in the bill from what was proposed in the last Congress.

As a result of this change, if it is passed, federal employees would be protected for disclosing any violation of law. This is a major victory for the thousands of citizen activists who responded to our action alerts last year even though there was intense pressure to pass the bill without making any improvements. Everyone who participated in this advocacy should recognize that his or her voice can make a difference.

We appreciate and thank Senator Akaka and the co-sponsors of the WPEA for making this change.  However, we still believe that other important changes are needed to ensure that this bill does not harm existing rights and that it provides effective and workable protections for federal employee whistleblowers and, ultimately, the U.S. taxpayers.

The legal staff of the National Whistleblowers Center is carefully reviewing S. 743. As we said in December, this is an important piece of legislation that will intimately affect federal employees for a generation and it is critical that it be done right. While some progress has been made to improve the legislation over last year's version, other concerns we raised about last year's bill remain unaddressed by S. 743. For example, the Senate's new WPEA bill still provides the Merit Systems Protection Board with sweeping new powers to dismiss whistleblower cases without a hearing and to act as gatekeeper for court access. 

We look forward to working with the House and Senate to address our other concerns with this legislation.

Links:

NWC Letter to House and Senate Sponsors of WPEA (December 13, 2010) on the roll back in the definition of protected disclosure

Joint Statement - S. 372: A Bad Deal for Whistleblowers

Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act of 2011 (S. 743)

 

President Obama and the demand for universal rights

During this week's trip to Latin America, President Barack Obama has hit on a theme about the universal nature of human rights. Here is a paragraph from his speech on Sunday in Brazil:

But we also know that there’s certain aspirations shared by every human being: We all seek to be free. We all seek to be heard. We all yearn to live without fear or discrimination. We all yearn to choose how we are governed. And we all want to shape our own destiny. These are not American ideals or Brazilian ideals. These are not Western ideals. These are universal rights, and we must support them everywhere.

He said something similar yesterday in Chile:

And despite this region’s democratic progress, stark inequalities endure. In political and economic power that is too often concentrated in the hands of the few, instead of serving the many. In the corruption that too often still stifles economic growth and development, innovation and entrepreneurship. And in some leaders who cling to bankrupt ideologies to justify their own power and who seek to silence their opponents because those opponents have the audacity to demand their universal rights.

In July 2009, I blogged about President Obama's speech in Ghana: "We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do."

I suggest that the best way to advance universal rights abroad is to live by them at home. Recall that in the previous Congress, President Obama put forward a version of the Whistleblower Protection Enhancement Act that would actually take away the existing legal protections for federal employees that raise concerns deemed to be minor or inadvertent. As to living without fear of discrimination or corruption, his bill would have divided federal employees so that national security workers would be dependent for their protection on the agency heads in charge of the operations about which concerns might be raised.

We might also remember that 600,000 U.S. citizens do not have the power to choose how they are governed because they happen to live in the District of Columbia. They cannot change their local constitution because an act of Congress sets out how they are governed. They have no representation in that Congress which imposes taxes they must pay. They cannot impose taxes on out-of-staters who work in their District (including me), and any laws their Council passes might be overturned by Congress.

It is good that the international flow of ideas includes what rights should be "universal." This call would ring less hollow if we saw those espousing them doing more to accomplish them in their home jurisdictions. I submitted a report to the United National Universal Period Review about ways in which U.S. laws fall short of international treaty standards for whistleblower protections. The U.S. Department of State chose not to answer it.

Whistleblowers everywhere will benefit if we can call our leaders to account for their treatment of whistleblowers, here and abroad. Instead of trying to pick specks out of the eyes of other countries, I invite President Obama to join with me in looking for the logs in our own.